Monday, 31 March 2008
Saturday, 29 March 2008
Commentary (by Barrack Muluka) - Why it is vital for Kibaki to see things as they are
Ref: http://www.eastandard.net/news/?id=1143984012&cid=4&PHPSESSID=27bfb1c30ca56d69977e1dfb0b694c4d
Published on March 29, 2008, 12:00 am
By barrack muluka
President Kibaki is a lonely man, living on a lonely island. It was Joseph Kamotho who once lamented about the cold and loneliness at the top. Kamotho was then a very powerful politician. He called the shots in the monolith that was Kanu. He dissolved this Kanu branch today and appointed acting officials tomorrow. He called for branch elections almost everywhere everyday. He was the kind of man Kanu politicians wanted to be on the right side of. Yet Kamotho felt cold and lonely from his own confession.
Prof Chinua Achebe confirms that it is possible to be cold, alone and lonely at the top; where African leaders sit.
For he has written in The Trouble with Nigeria: "One of the penalties of exalted power is loneliness. Harnessed to the trappings of protocol and blockaded by a buffer of grinning courtiers and sycophants, even a good and intelligent leader will gradually begin to forget what the real world looks like." Achebe concludes that on account of the deceptive human wall around them, "Many Presidents, especially Third Word Presidents, do not live in their country."
That is to say that many African presidents live in wonderland. They lost touch with reality a long, long time ago. Like in Nigeria, what does the Kenyan president see whenever he sets out to see things for himself? He sees "highways temporarily cleared of lunatic drivers by even more lunatic presidential escorts, hitherto impassable tracts freshly graded and even watered to keep down the dust, buildings dripping of fresh paint, well-fed obsequious welcoming parties, garlands of colourful crÍpe paper hung round the neck by women leaders and troupes of "cultural dancers" and many other such scenes of contented citizenry."
In a nutshell, the fellows the African boss surrounds himself with mislead him on just about everything, in the interest of their personal greed. Even literature such as this, they make sure he does not read. That way, the big man gets the shock of his life when, say, he loses badly in a referendum as President Kibaki did in November 2005. The big man cannot understand when simmering emotions come to a blood letting boil like they recently did in the country. For the picture he has of the country is light years from the reality.
In history, we have read of leaders who refused to be fooled by guided tours of their own country. These were men and women who achieved rare leadership through making honest effort to know the country and its people. They sought to place their finger on the pulse of the nation.
Haroun Al Rashid of Baghdad in the eighth century was reputed to disguise himself and to sneak into the streets to see the life of his subjects in its reality. He listened to their talk and knew their thoughts and feelings.
Addressing restlessness
To paraphrase Achebe, "Kibaki should return home, read the papers and from time to time talk to Kenyans outside the circle of presidential aides and other loyalists and other fly-by-night self seekers." Then he will begin to understand why the country has recently burnt and why it could still burn again, before his very own eyes. He would get to know just how desperate and restless the youth has got and why.
He would know how it is up to him to lead in addressing their restlessness. Beyond this, he would know that millions of Kenyans are getting edgy about his political prevarication, equivocation and procrastination.
The Kenyan president would get to know that people are asking loudly whether he places any premium on his word. He would know that there are those who think that his words vaporise into nothing the very moment they leave his lips. He would understand that he badly needs to reassure Kenyans that they can count on him to keep his word. For as the reigning dreamer of dreams, have I not come across enough citizens who are puzzled by the impasse in the naming of a lean and mean coalition Cabinet?
I have come across enough people who are saying, "The President made a public promise on equal power sharing with ODM. If now the President is seen to be having a change of heart on a promise he made in public, in broad daylight, how shall we trust him on the things he does away from the glare of the public?" But even more significantly, President Kibaki should know that there is a precarious bristling impatience out here. Caprice and wrong political cleverness cannot drive the Government anymore. That age is simply gone.
But again one expects that there is such a thing as an official national intelligence network. Don’t they tell the President the truth? Don’t they tell him that reform, justice, equity and merit are the engines that must run Government beginning from now? Two years ago, President Kibaki declared at a public gathering that he does not read newspapers. That is why I am not surprised that he did not see the post-election mess coming.
Well, someone would do well to tell him to start reading newspapers, listening to radio and talking to Kenyans, away from the sycophants. He will save himself and this country a lot of attrition.
-The writer (Publishers.okwaromuluka@yahoo.com) is a publishing editor and media consultant with Mvule Africa
Published on March 29, 2008, 12:00 am
By barrack muluka
President Kibaki is a lonely man, living on a lonely island. It was Joseph Kamotho who once lamented about the cold and loneliness at the top. Kamotho was then a very powerful politician. He called the shots in the monolith that was Kanu. He dissolved this Kanu branch today and appointed acting officials tomorrow. He called for branch elections almost everywhere everyday. He was the kind of man Kanu politicians wanted to be on the right side of. Yet Kamotho felt cold and lonely from his own confession.
Prof Chinua Achebe confirms that it is possible to be cold, alone and lonely at the top; where African leaders sit.
For he has written in The Trouble with Nigeria: "One of the penalties of exalted power is loneliness. Harnessed to the trappings of protocol and blockaded by a buffer of grinning courtiers and sycophants, even a good and intelligent leader will gradually begin to forget what the real world looks like." Achebe concludes that on account of the deceptive human wall around them, "Many Presidents, especially Third Word Presidents, do not live in their country."
That is to say that many African presidents live in wonderland. They lost touch with reality a long, long time ago. Like in Nigeria, what does the Kenyan president see whenever he sets out to see things for himself? He sees "highways temporarily cleared of lunatic drivers by even more lunatic presidential escorts, hitherto impassable tracts freshly graded and even watered to keep down the dust, buildings dripping of fresh paint, well-fed obsequious welcoming parties, garlands of colourful crÍpe paper hung round the neck by women leaders and troupes of "cultural dancers" and many other such scenes of contented citizenry."
In a nutshell, the fellows the African boss surrounds himself with mislead him on just about everything, in the interest of their personal greed. Even literature such as this, they make sure he does not read. That way, the big man gets the shock of his life when, say, he loses badly in a referendum as President Kibaki did in November 2005. The big man cannot understand when simmering emotions come to a blood letting boil like they recently did in the country. For the picture he has of the country is light years from the reality.
In history, we have read of leaders who refused to be fooled by guided tours of their own country. These were men and women who achieved rare leadership through making honest effort to know the country and its people. They sought to place their finger on the pulse of the nation.
Haroun Al Rashid of Baghdad in the eighth century was reputed to disguise himself and to sneak into the streets to see the life of his subjects in its reality. He listened to their talk and knew their thoughts and feelings.
Addressing restlessness
To paraphrase Achebe, "Kibaki should return home, read the papers and from time to time talk to Kenyans outside the circle of presidential aides and other loyalists and other fly-by-night self seekers." Then he will begin to understand why the country has recently burnt and why it could still burn again, before his very own eyes. He would get to know just how desperate and restless the youth has got and why.
He would know how it is up to him to lead in addressing their restlessness. Beyond this, he would know that millions of Kenyans are getting edgy about his political prevarication, equivocation and procrastination.
The Kenyan president would get to know that people are asking loudly whether he places any premium on his word. He would know that there are those who think that his words vaporise into nothing the very moment they leave his lips. He would understand that he badly needs to reassure Kenyans that they can count on him to keep his word. For as the reigning dreamer of dreams, have I not come across enough citizens who are puzzled by the impasse in the naming of a lean and mean coalition Cabinet?
I have come across enough people who are saying, "The President made a public promise on equal power sharing with ODM. If now the President is seen to be having a change of heart on a promise he made in public, in broad daylight, how shall we trust him on the things he does away from the glare of the public?" But even more significantly, President Kibaki should know that there is a precarious bristling impatience out here. Caprice and wrong political cleverness cannot drive the Government anymore. That age is simply gone.
But again one expects that there is such a thing as an official national intelligence network. Don’t they tell the President the truth? Don’t they tell him that reform, justice, equity and merit are the engines that must run Government beginning from now? Two years ago, President Kibaki declared at a public gathering that he does not read newspapers. That is why I am not surprised that he did not see the post-election mess coming.
Well, someone would do well to tell him to start reading newspapers, listening to radio and talking to Kenyans, away from the sycophants. He will save himself and this country a lot of attrition.
-The writer (Publishers.okwaromuluka@yahoo.com) is a publishing editor and media consultant with Mvule Africa
Friday, 28 March 2008
Thursday, 27 March 2008
Wednesday, 26 March 2008
Tuesday, 25 March 2008
Monday, 24 March 2008
Commentary (by Rasna Warah) - Why Zimbabwe mustn’t be allowed to go the Kenya way
Ref: http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/nmgcontententry.asp?category_id=25&newsid=119682
Story by RASNA WARAH
Publication Date: 3/24/2008
MANY KENYANS, INCLUDING myself, are shocked to learn that their country is now considered a role model by many Zimbabweans who have been seriously contemplating “doing a Kenya” if the results of the elections this weekend are not to their liking.
I suppose given the state of their economy, and the fact that the country has been ruled by the last of Africa’s Big Men for close to three decades, Zimbabweans are beginning to believe that the only way fundamental changes can be brought about in their country is by breaking into the kind of violence that Kenyans experienced in the weeks following what many believe to be rigged elections.
One argument put to me recently was that a country has to go through violent conflict in order to emerge as a better nation.
Shortly after the violence broke out in many parts of Kenya, I attended a meeting in Dar es Salaam where participants seriously debated whether what was happening in Kenya was a necessary prelude to fundamental reforms needed in society.
At one point, a stunned delegate from Rwanda was even asked whether the genocide in Rwanda had been worth it as it had paved the way for a more democratic and open society that was based on progressive, egalitarian laws.
He responded by saying that the price Rwanda had paid for its peace and democracy was too high, not just in terms of the cost of reconstruction, but because it was written in the blood of hundreds of thousands of his country’s men, women and children.
It is very tempting to believe that had it not been for the violence that engulfed Kenya in the last two months, the two leaders, Mr Raila Odinga and President Kibaki, might never have agreed to form a coalition government dedicated to bringing about much-needed reforms and constitutional changes.
But was it the fact that more than 1,200 people were killed and some 350,000 were internally displaced that melted their hearts, or was it international pressure from Western governments and the international community that forced them to reach a compromise?
Many believe it is the latter. Kenya is strategically important to Western governments for many reasons.
A crisis in Kenya has the potential to spill over to the entire Eastern Africa region and the Horn, as the port of Mombasa serves as a crucial transport link for neighbouring countries and is a strategic gateway to the troubled Middle East.
Moreover, the United States considers Kenya as a useful ally in its war against terror, especially because the country borders Somalia and Sudan, two countries that have been a thorn in the flesh of the US government for more than a decade.
ZIMBABWE, ON THE OTHER HAND, is landlocked, has no significant ally among the world’s most powerful nations, has no oil or other minerals that are of critical importance to the Western world, and is on the brink of economic collapse.
A violent civil war may stir Britain, South Africa or the African Union into action, but it will barely elicit a yawn from the United States or the European Union.
But even if, by some miracle, the world did unite to liberate a strife-torn Zimbabwe, the price the country will have paid will be so great, it will take years to recover.
In Kenya, two months of violence not only cost lives, but hundreds of millions of dollars in lost revenue, property and jobs.
It is estimated that the first week of violence alone cost the country US$1 billion. Tourism, one of the biggest income-earners, dropped dramatically as tourists cancelled bookings or left the country in droves.
Inflation soared as vital road links were cut off, making it difficult for farmers to reach their markets. Seven land-locked neighbouring countries that relied on Kenya’s transport networks for imports suffered severe shortages.
But the real cost of the crisis was borne by the people of Kenya, who are still reeling from the impact of the violence.
Reports indicate that the incidence of rape tripled in the months of January and February, with a majority of victims being under the age of 18.
Lawlessness in various parts of the country, including Nairobi, spawned ethnically-based militia groups who killed or forcibly evicted people from their homes and neighbourhoods. Some of these groups are still operating in parts of the country.
Almost every Kenyan was directly or indirectly affected by the violence. As a nation we are traumatised and it will take us a long time to trust again.
If that is the price of democracy, then it is a price many Kenyans are not ever willing to pay again. Zimbabweans going to the polls this Saturday should take note.
Ms Warah is an editor with the UN. The views expressed here are her own and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations.(grasp@nbi.ispkenya.com)
Story by RASNA WARAH
Publication Date: 3/24/2008
MANY KENYANS, INCLUDING myself, are shocked to learn that their country is now considered a role model by many Zimbabweans who have been seriously contemplating “doing a Kenya” if the results of the elections this weekend are not to their liking.
I suppose given the state of their economy, and the fact that the country has been ruled by the last of Africa’s Big Men for close to three decades, Zimbabweans are beginning to believe that the only way fundamental changes can be brought about in their country is by breaking into the kind of violence that Kenyans experienced in the weeks following what many believe to be rigged elections.
One argument put to me recently was that a country has to go through violent conflict in order to emerge as a better nation.
Shortly after the violence broke out in many parts of Kenya, I attended a meeting in Dar es Salaam where participants seriously debated whether what was happening in Kenya was a necessary prelude to fundamental reforms needed in society.
At one point, a stunned delegate from Rwanda was even asked whether the genocide in Rwanda had been worth it as it had paved the way for a more democratic and open society that was based on progressive, egalitarian laws.
He responded by saying that the price Rwanda had paid for its peace and democracy was too high, not just in terms of the cost of reconstruction, but because it was written in the blood of hundreds of thousands of his country’s men, women and children.
It is very tempting to believe that had it not been for the violence that engulfed Kenya in the last two months, the two leaders, Mr Raila Odinga and President Kibaki, might never have agreed to form a coalition government dedicated to bringing about much-needed reforms and constitutional changes.
But was it the fact that more than 1,200 people were killed and some 350,000 were internally displaced that melted their hearts, or was it international pressure from Western governments and the international community that forced them to reach a compromise?
Many believe it is the latter. Kenya is strategically important to Western governments for many reasons.
A crisis in Kenya has the potential to spill over to the entire Eastern Africa region and the Horn, as the port of Mombasa serves as a crucial transport link for neighbouring countries and is a strategic gateway to the troubled Middle East.
Moreover, the United States considers Kenya as a useful ally in its war against terror, especially because the country borders Somalia and Sudan, two countries that have been a thorn in the flesh of the US government for more than a decade.
ZIMBABWE, ON THE OTHER HAND, is landlocked, has no significant ally among the world’s most powerful nations, has no oil or other minerals that are of critical importance to the Western world, and is on the brink of economic collapse.
A violent civil war may stir Britain, South Africa or the African Union into action, but it will barely elicit a yawn from the United States or the European Union.
But even if, by some miracle, the world did unite to liberate a strife-torn Zimbabwe, the price the country will have paid will be so great, it will take years to recover.
In Kenya, two months of violence not only cost lives, but hundreds of millions of dollars in lost revenue, property and jobs.
It is estimated that the first week of violence alone cost the country US$1 billion. Tourism, one of the biggest income-earners, dropped dramatically as tourists cancelled bookings or left the country in droves.
Inflation soared as vital road links were cut off, making it difficult for farmers to reach their markets. Seven land-locked neighbouring countries that relied on Kenya’s transport networks for imports suffered severe shortages.
But the real cost of the crisis was borne by the people of Kenya, who are still reeling from the impact of the violence.
Reports indicate that the incidence of rape tripled in the months of January and February, with a majority of victims being under the age of 18.
Lawlessness in various parts of the country, including Nairobi, spawned ethnically-based militia groups who killed or forcibly evicted people from their homes and neighbourhoods. Some of these groups are still operating in parts of the country.
Almost every Kenyan was directly or indirectly affected by the violence. As a nation we are traumatised and it will take us a long time to trust again.
If that is the price of democracy, then it is a price many Kenyans are not ever willing to pay again. Zimbabweans going to the polls this Saturday should take note.
Ms Warah is an editor with the UN. The views expressed here are her own and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations.(grasp@nbi.ispkenya.com)
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